Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish

Autores
Saab, Andrés Leandro
Año de publicación
2024
Idioma
inglés
Tipo de recurso
artículo
Estado
versión publicada
Descripción
Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.
Fil: Saab, Andrés Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. - Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Filosófico. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas; Argentina
Materia
CLITIC DOUBLING
WEAK CROSSOVER
PROBES
AGREEMENT
A-MOVEMENT
RIOPLATENSE SPANISH
PRONOUNS
Nivel de accesibilidad
acceso abierto
Condiciones de uso
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/
Repositorio
CONICET Digital (CONICET)
Institución
Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
OAI Identificador
oai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/260707

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spelling Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense SpanishSaab, Andrés LeandroCLITIC DOUBLINGWEAK CROSSOVERPROBESAGREEMENTA-MOVEMENTRIOPLATENSE SPANISHPRONOUNShttps://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.Fil: Saab, Andrés Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. - Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Filosófico. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas; ArgentinaUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelona2024-06info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionhttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501info:ar-repo/semantics/articuloapplication/pdfapplication/pdfhttp://hdl.handle.net/11336/260707Saab, Andrés Leandro; Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Isogloss; 10; 5; 6-2024; 1-312385-4138CONICET DigitalCONICETenginfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v10-n5-saabinfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.5565/rev/isogloss.379info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesshttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET)instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas2025-09-03T10:11:40Zoai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/260707instacron:CONICETInstitucionalhttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/Organismo científico-tecnológicoNo correspondehttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/oai/requestdasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.arArgentinaNo correspondeNo correspondeNo correspondeopendoar:34982025-09-03 10:11:40.367CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicasfalse
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
title Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
spellingShingle Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
Saab, Andrés Leandro
CLITIC DOUBLING
WEAK CROSSOVER
PROBES
AGREEMENT
A-MOVEMENT
RIOPLATENSE SPANISH
PRONOUNS
title_short Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
title_full Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
title_fullStr Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
title_full_unstemmed Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
title_sort Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv Saab, Andrés Leandro
author Saab, Andrés Leandro
author_facet Saab, Andrés Leandro
author_role author
dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv CLITIC DOUBLING
WEAK CROSSOVER
PROBES
AGREEMENT
A-MOVEMENT
RIOPLATENSE SPANISH
PRONOUNS
topic CLITIC DOUBLING
WEAK CROSSOVER
PROBES
AGREEMENT
A-MOVEMENT
RIOPLATENSE SPANISH
PRONOUNS
purl_subject.fl_str_mv https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2
https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6
dc.description.none.fl_txt_mv Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.
Fil: Saab, Andrés Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. - Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Filosófico. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas; Argentina
description Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.
publishDate 2024
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2024-06
dc.type.none.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501
info:ar-repo/semantics/articulo
format article
status_str publishedVersion
dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv http://hdl.handle.net/11336/260707
Saab, Andrés Leandro; Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Isogloss; 10; 5; 6-2024; 1-31
2385-4138
CONICET Digital
CONICET
url http://hdl.handle.net/11336/260707
identifier_str_mv Saab, Andrés Leandro; Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Isogloss; 10; 5; 6-2024; 1-31
2385-4138
CONICET Digital
CONICET
dc.language.none.fl_str_mv eng
language eng
dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v10-n5-saab
info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.5565/rev/isogloss.379
dc.rights.none.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
rights_invalid_str_mv https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/
dc.format.none.fl_str_mv application/pdf
application/pdf
dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
publisher.none.fl_str_mv Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET)
instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
reponame_str CONICET Digital (CONICET)
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instname_str Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
repository.name.fl_str_mv CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
repository.mail.fl_str_mv dasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.ar
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