Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish
- Autores
- Saab, Andrés Leandro
- Año de publicación
- 2024
- Idioma
- inglés
- Tipo de recurso
- artículo
- Estado
- versión publicada
- Descripción
- Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.
Fil: Saab, Andrés Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. - Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Filosófico. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas; Argentina - Materia
-
CLITIC DOUBLING
WEAK CROSSOVER
PROBES
AGREEMENT
A-MOVEMENT
RIOPLATENSE SPANISH
PRONOUNS - Nivel de accesibilidad
- acceso abierto
- Condiciones de uso
- https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/
- Repositorio
- Institución
- Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
- OAI Identificador
- oai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/260707
Ver los metadatos del registro completo
id |
CONICETDig_440a11c4c946e05e9176c75744db6d0e |
---|---|
oai_identifier_str |
oai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/260707 |
network_acronym_str |
CONICETDig |
repository_id_str |
3498 |
network_name_str |
CONICET Digital (CONICET) |
spelling |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense SpanishSaab, Andrés LeandroCLITIC DOUBLINGWEAK CROSSOVERPROBESAGREEMENTA-MOVEMENTRIOPLATENSE SPANISHPRONOUNShttps://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.Fil: Saab, Andrés Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. - Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Filosófico. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas; ArgentinaUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelona2024-06info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionhttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501info:ar-repo/semantics/articuloapplication/pdfapplication/pdfhttp://hdl.handle.net/11336/260707Saab, Andrés Leandro; Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Isogloss; 10; 5; 6-2024; 1-312385-4138CONICET DigitalCONICETenginfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v10-n5-saabinfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.5565/rev/isogloss.379info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesshttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET)instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas2025-09-03T10:11:40Zoai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/260707instacron:CONICETInstitucionalhttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/Organismo científico-tecnológicoNo correspondehttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/oai/requestdasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.arArgentinaNo correspondeNo correspondeNo correspondeopendoar:34982025-09-03 10:11:40.367CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicasfalse |
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
title |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
spellingShingle |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish Saab, Andrés Leandro CLITIC DOUBLING WEAK CROSSOVER PROBES AGREEMENT A-MOVEMENT RIOPLATENSE SPANISH PRONOUNS |
title_short |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
title_full |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
title_fullStr |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
title_full_unstemmed |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
title_sort |
Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish |
dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Saab, Andrés Leandro |
author |
Saab, Andrés Leandro |
author_facet |
Saab, Andrés Leandro |
author_role |
author |
dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
CLITIC DOUBLING WEAK CROSSOVER PROBES AGREEMENT A-MOVEMENT RIOPLATENSE SPANISH PRONOUNS |
topic |
CLITIC DOUBLING WEAK CROSSOVER PROBES AGREEMENT A-MOVEMENT RIOPLATENSE SPANISH PRONOUNS |
purl_subject.fl_str_mv |
https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2 https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6 |
dc.description.none.fl_txt_mv |
Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers. Fil: Saab, Andrés Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. - Sociedad Argentina de Análisis Filosófico. Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas; Argentina |
description |
Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers. |
publishDate |
2024 |
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv |
2024-06 |
dc.type.none.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 info:ar-repo/semantics/articulo |
format |
article |
status_str |
publishedVersion |
dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv |
http://hdl.handle.net/11336/260707 Saab, Andrés Leandro; Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Isogloss; 10; 5; 6-2024; 1-31 2385-4138 CONICET Digital CONICET |
url |
http://hdl.handle.net/11336/260707 |
identifier_str_mv |
Saab, Andrés Leandro; Neither agreement nor pronouns: Clitic doubling and Weak Crossover in Rioplatense Spanish; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Isogloss; 10; 5; 6-2024; 1-31 2385-4138 CONICET Digital CONICET |
dc.language.none.fl_str_mv |
eng |
language |
eng |
dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v10-n5-saab info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.5565/rev/isogloss.379 |
dc.rights.none.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/ |
eu_rights_str_mv |
openAccess |
rights_invalid_str_mv |
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/ |
dc.format.none.fl_str_mv |
application/pdf application/pdf |
dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv |
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
publisher.none.fl_str_mv |
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv |
reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET) instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
reponame_str |
CONICET Digital (CONICET) |
collection |
CONICET Digital (CONICET) |
instname_str |
Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
repository.name.fl_str_mv |
CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
repository.mail.fl_str_mv |
dasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.ar |
_version_ |
1842270167534403584 |
score |
13.13397 |