Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries
- Autores
- Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia; Ausensi, Josep
- Año de publicación
- 2020
- Idioma
- inglés
- Tipo de recurso
- artículo
- Estado
- versión publicada
- Descripción
- We analyze a construction generally overlooked in the literature, with key implications for of argument structure alternations and VP-internal configuration. This construction involves an object-less causative variant of change-of-state verbs (viz. Intransitive Causative). Unlike better-known monadic (inchoative/unaccusative) alternates, this construction selects for an external argument, an inanimate entity, interpreted by default as probable cause of a change of state. Here, intransitivity correlates with noneventivity. Data suggest that this construction renders an Individual-Level Predication—basically, a subject bearing the potential to eventually trigger an associated change of state as defining property. Based on the pure stative behavior of such a construction (clearly seen in Romance and Greek, cf. Mangialavori Rasia, to appear), we show that eventivity is structurally achieved, and that stative instances of these verbs are possible in various languages (Alexiadou and Iordachioaia, 2014; Mangialavori Rasia, 2018). ˘ Such data argue against the prevalent view that verbs undergoing causative alternation involve change of state or eventive denotation as core part of their lexical meaning and that causative interpretation is a byproduct of transitivity (Hale and Keyser, 2002). In the present paper, we shift the empirical focus to English and note that English shows a productive regularity that deserves to be explored. Visible contrasts with null object constructions and related argument structure alternations (Null/Unspecified Object Alternations, Levin, 1993 i.a.) allowed by these verbs are also revealed.
Fil: Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina
Fil: Ausensi, Josep. Universitat Pompeu Fabra; España - Materia
-
ARGUMENT STRUCTURE ALTERNATION
INTRANSITIVITY
PSYCH VERBS
STATIVITY
CAUSATIVITY - Nivel de accesibilidad
- acceso abierto
- Condiciones de uso
- https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/
- Repositorio
- Institución
- Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
- OAI Identificador
- oai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/157299
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Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetriesMangialavori Rasia, Maria EugeniaAusensi, JosepARGUMENT STRUCTURE ALTERNATIONINTRANSITIVITYPSYCH VERBSSTATIVITYCAUSATIVITYhttps://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6We analyze a construction generally overlooked in the literature, with key implications for of argument structure alternations and VP-internal configuration. This construction involves an object-less causative variant of change-of-state verbs (viz. Intransitive Causative). Unlike better-known monadic (inchoative/unaccusative) alternates, this construction selects for an external argument, an inanimate entity, interpreted by default as probable cause of a change of state. Here, intransitivity correlates with noneventivity. Data suggest that this construction renders an Individual-Level Predication—basically, a subject bearing the potential to eventually trigger an associated change of state as defining property. Based on the pure stative behavior of such a construction (clearly seen in Romance and Greek, cf. Mangialavori Rasia, to appear), we show that eventivity is structurally achieved, and that stative instances of these verbs are possible in various languages (Alexiadou and Iordachioaia, 2014; Mangialavori Rasia, 2018). ˘ Such data argue against the prevalent view that verbs undergoing causative alternation involve change of state or eventive denotation as core part of their lexical meaning and that causative interpretation is a byproduct of transitivity (Hale and Keyser, 2002). In the present paper, we shift the empirical focus to English and note that English shows a productive regularity that deserves to be explored. Visible contrasts with null object constructions and related argument structure alternations (Null/Unspecified Object Alternations, Levin, 1993 i.a.) allowed by these verbs are also revealed.Fil: Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; ArgentinaFil: Ausensi, Josep. Universitat Pompeu Fabra; EspañaUniversity of Konstanz2020-09-17info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionhttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501info:ar-repo/semantics/articuloapplication/pdfapplication/pdfhttp://hdl.handle.net/11336/157299Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia; Ausensi, Josep; Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries; University of Konstanz; Proceedings of Sinn un Bedeutung; 24; 2; 17-9-2020; 38-552629-60552629-6055CONICET DigitalCONICETenginfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/885info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.18148/sub/2020.v24i2.885info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesshttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET)instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas2025-09-03T09:55:08Zoai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/157299instacron:CONICETInstitucionalhttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/Organismo científico-tecnológicoNo correspondehttp://ri.conicet.gov.ar/oai/requestdasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.arArgentinaNo correspondeNo correspondeNo correspondeopendoar:34982025-09-03 09:55:08.421CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicasfalse |
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
title |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
spellingShingle |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia ARGUMENT STRUCTURE ALTERNATION INTRANSITIVITY PSYCH VERBS STATIVITY CAUSATIVITY |
title_short |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
title_full |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
title_fullStr |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
title_full_unstemmed |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
title_sort |
Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries |
dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia Ausensi, Josep |
author |
Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia |
author_facet |
Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia Ausensi, Josep |
author_role |
author |
author2 |
Ausensi, Josep |
author2_role |
author |
dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
ARGUMENT STRUCTURE ALTERNATION INTRANSITIVITY PSYCH VERBS STATIVITY CAUSATIVITY |
topic |
ARGUMENT STRUCTURE ALTERNATION INTRANSITIVITY PSYCH VERBS STATIVITY CAUSATIVITY |
purl_subject.fl_str_mv |
https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2 https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6 |
dc.description.none.fl_txt_mv |
We analyze a construction generally overlooked in the literature, with key implications for of argument structure alternations and VP-internal configuration. This construction involves an object-less causative variant of change-of-state verbs (viz. Intransitive Causative). Unlike better-known monadic (inchoative/unaccusative) alternates, this construction selects for an external argument, an inanimate entity, interpreted by default as probable cause of a change of state. Here, intransitivity correlates with noneventivity. Data suggest that this construction renders an Individual-Level Predication—basically, a subject bearing the potential to eventually trigger an associated change of state as defining property. Based on the pure stative behavior of such a construction (clearly seen in Romance and Greek, cf. Mangialavori Rasia, to appear), we show that eventivity is structurally achieved, and that stative instances of these verbs are possible in various languages (Alexiadou and Iordachioaia, 2014; Mangialavori Rasia, 2018). ˘ Such data argue against the prevalent view that verbs undergoing causative alternation involve change of state or eventive denotation as core part of their lexical meaning and that causative interpretation is a byproduct of transitivity (Hale and Keyser, 2002). In the present paper, we shift the empirical focus to English and note that English shows a productive regularity that deserves to be explored. Visible contrasts with null object constructions and related argument structure alternations (Null/Unspecified Object Alternations, Levin, 1993 i.a.) allowed by these verbs are also revealed. Fil: Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina Fil: Ausensi, Josep. Universitat Pompeu Fabra; España |
description |
We analyze a construction generally overlooked in the literature, with key implications for of argument structure alternations and VP-internal configuration. This construction involves an object-less causative variant of change-of-state verbs (viz. Intransitive Causative). Unlike better-known monadic (inchoative/unaccusative) alternates, this construction selects for an external argument, an inanimate entity, interpreted by default as probable cause of a change of state. Here, intransitivity correlates with noneventivity. Data suggest that this construction renders an Individual-Level Predication—basically, a subject bearing the potential to eventually trigger an associated change of state as defining property. Based on the pure stative behavior of such a construction (clearly seen in Romance and Greek, cf. Mangialavori Rasia, to appear), we show that eventivity is structurally achieved, and that stative instances of these verbs are possible in various languages (Alexiadou and Iordachioaia, 2014; Mangialavori Rasia, 2018). ˘ Such data argue against the prevalent view that verbs undergoing causative alternation involve change of state or eventive denotation as core part of their lexical meaning and that causative interpretation is a byproduct of transitivity (Hale and Keyser, 2002). In the present paper, we shift the empirical focus to English and note that English shows a productive regularity that deserves to be explored. Visible contrasts with null object constructions and related argument structure alternations (Null/Unspecified Object Alternations, Levin, 1993 i.a.) allowed by these verbs are also revealed. |
publishDate |
2020 |
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv |
2020-09-17 |
dc.type.none.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 info:ar-repo/semantics/articulo |
format |
article |
status_str |
publishedVersion |
dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv |
http://hdl.handle.net/11336/157299 Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia; Ausensi, Josep; Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries; University of Konstanz; Proceedings of Sinn un Bedeutung; 24; 2; 17-9-2020; 38-55 2629-6055 2629-6055 CONICET Digital CONICET |
url |
http://hdl.handle.net/11336/157299 |
identifier_str_mv |
Mangialavori Rasia, Maria Eugenia; Ausensi, Josep; Intransitive Causatives in English: productivity regularities and asymmetries; University of Konstanz; Proceedings of Sinn un Bedeutung; 24; 2; 17-9-2020; 38-55 2629-6055 CONICET Digital CONICET |
dc.language.none.fl_str_mv |
eng |
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eng |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/url/https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/885 info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.18148/sub/2020.v24i2.885 |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/ |
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https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/ar/ |
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application/pdf application/pdf |
dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv |
University of Konstanz |
publisher.none.fl_str_mv |
University of Konstanz |
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reponame:CONICET Digital (CONICET) instname:Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
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CONICET Digital (CONICET) |
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Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
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CONICET Digital (CONICET) - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
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dasensio@conicet.gov.ar; lcarlino@conicet.gov.ar |
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